Private holiness
During the last decades the erosion of the main Swedish social structure, which so far
maintained and cultivated a religious interpretation of the "signals of transcendence",
has become more and more manifest in the Church of Sweden. Privatized world-views
compete with the official and societal sanctioned distribution of religious experience.
Many new actors are present on the social stage of life philosophies and ideologies.
There is a crisis of the legitimization of transcendence. The Church of Sweden is today
only one out of many structures maintaining the religious world.
The change is clearly seen in the way people understand Christian worship. Private and constructivistic theologies exist together with more traditional theologies (Scandinavian Values 1994). This is another indication that the base of legitimization is successively moving towards the individual. It moves away from the authority of an organizational base towards an internal authentication, from collective answers towards existential questions.
The experience of the Ultimate continues, but the social forms and the way you localize the Holy has changed. It has become more and more personal. The macro-holy feeling, linked to thoughts and experiences of a transcendence, are still alive inside the religious institution and their "grand narratives". But they are few and it is quite obvious that there has been a change of the social forms and localization of the Holy. Micro-holy feelings, the inviolable values and experiences on the private or semi-private level, have no direct connection with the great theological myths or narratives any more (Wikström 1993).
Earlier it was common to ritualize thankfulness, e.g. praising God for one s children during their christening. It was not just a matter of being moved emotionally. The sense of awe and wonder caused by the birth of a child was given a "religious expression". Since the birth of a child was not interpreted as a consequence of destiny, due to circumstances or the will of the parents but as a gift of "the giver of all good gifts", the thankfulness could be directed towards an object of transcendence and was given a ritual setting.
Similar needs seems to survive even for the non-believer. S/he wants to express joy or manifest a wish to avert anxiety for the child's future through the ceremony of baptism. But a transcendent world is not taken for granted irrespective of the baptism of the child. The experience in relation to baptism is perceived mainly as a vehicle of a beautiful atmosphere and social cohesion rather than as a result of a personal religious conviction. The baptism has more to do with a vague family-tradition. The meaning of baptism as the Christian church wants to transmit it, "an integration into a Christian transcendent world-view - has been detached from the experienced meaning", the feeling of thankfulness and the integration of a child into the family. The baptismal rite has been given a less metaphysical interpretation by those who are present during the ceremony than by the institution which administers baptism.
The individual s awareness and experience of "something supernatural" used to be interpreted by the church-influenced Sweden according to specific norms. The church wanted to provide an unambiguous understanding of the invisible world, albeit sometimes in a language of power and threat. In the old rural society of Sweden, where most people used to attend worship and where celebrations of life, (Christmas, Easter and Mid-summer etc.), was given a theological frame of interpretation, experiences of the Holy were predictable and channelled according to strict patterns.
The question of whether people in the past days did believe more or less, is not here the focus of our concern. Experts of folklore have demonstrated that religious traditions with a pagan basis have always existed next to the official tradition. But due to the power of the church, it had the major part of ritual expressions. Or, to say it in a different way: there were not very many spiritual realities allowed. The state church and its ministers had not only a cultural and ritual privilege in formulating the problems concerning existential questions, but also the priority to answer the same.
The homogeneous description of reality, in which the other/holy world was included, survived relatively unquestioned as a function of a more or less static society. The Holy was seen as unambiguous due to immobility and faith in authorities. The control was more obvious. Of course, there has always been exceptions, but when revivalist movements and the so-called free churches emerged, it occurred under a great resistance from the "true teachers".
The retreat into the private
While doing a simple comparison with present times, it is quite obvious that the modern
Swede must choose his or her spirituality in quite another way than just a few decades
ago. The church s description of the spiritual reality, inspired by the Bible, is now only
one among several different descriptions. Even people from small homogeneous (free-)
religious (sub-) societies are now confronted through television and radio with different
religious thoughts. They realize that there are a variety of spiritual maps of reality and
that some of them are contradictory. In confronting different and partly contradictory
religious expressions every day it becomes clear that the Christian faith is only one
among many. This transcultural situation is not only different, but also relatively new
for a society that used to be homogeneous. In contemporary Sweden there are several
"words of God"; the Torah, the Qur'an and the Bible. The claim of the preacher that "It
has been written" does not automatically any more refer to the basis of the Christian
belief. Several young Christians are personally acquainted with devout men and women
from different religions, something which their church-active parents are not. This
development has happened in just a few decades.
This transform of the religious world view from unity to plurality, from clarity to opacity, from institutions to vague and unorganized private systems is provoking in two different ways. It is provoking for a society, which is used to religion as a phenomenon with a specific content and structure and for a church which thought it had a contract on spirituality. The institutions which maintain the faith in "the Holy" are now sometimes regarded as relics from a distant time. Church institutions are accepted as artefacts from a past, uniform society. Because of this, they sometimes are looked upon as some kind of zoo of faith. Others redefine the role of the churches in terms of their social or psychological function: "Religions are good to have since it makes you calm in a crisis-situation, when major accidents occur, giving life a meaning, creating a community in society. But the idea that God actually should be 'alive' seems to be most unlikely."
The Christian church has become a cognitive minority. It is in a disadvantageous position, but not because people refuse to understand, do not want to believe, are ignorant or intolerant. The problem is more likely that Homo saeculi simply does not take the reality of Homo religious seriously. At least not until Homo saeculi is able to share the experiences described by religious people and perceive their words as adequate and authentic expressions of their own experiences.
The mobility, i.e. that people move around a lot more in modern society, also allows the individual to go back and forth between different religious language games. Some decades ago, this was not possible in the way it is today. The individual is forced with the necessity to listen to people who have settled with another symbolic universe. Perhaps one lives a period in a different social realm and looks back on the - previous obvious - system. There is no doubt that this causes more and more cracks in the organized life of faith.
The increase of a more privatized perspective does not only relate to the fact that the philosophical claims made by the official faith in God has been questioned. It also relates to the fact that the modern society is segmented and differentiated. Homo religiosus, who lives in a transcultural society, has constantly to question the personal perception of the spiritual. Social movement and the offering of different lifestyles due to mass communication force religious people in Sweden to confront alternative spiritual realities. The unambiguous transcendent reality has been replaced by a religious smorgasbord. One can choose or ignore ideologies of faith in the very same way as one can choose food or clothes. But what happens when society offers an evermore confusing supply of religions and world-views?
The path inwards or "I ll just believe what I want to believe"
All together, the factors mentioned above create something we might call the defusion
of relativism or the path inwards. The split will become more obvious whenever an
individual changes from following convention or authority unto making his own
decisions. This has been called everything from "the burden of freedom", "liberalism"
or "alienation" depending on the political and philosophical perspective. The
consequences for the psychology of religion is probably what we have seen as
constructivistic approach, a selective way to cope with the religious traditions. The
remains are: "Trust nothing but your own experiences - build an arc of your own!" The
journey inwards, with its individualism and privatized ideas, arouses approval.
A consequence of the decreasing trust in authorities might be seen as the individual is forced into a centripetal movement; away from what everybody else says, questioning oneself, asking "what am I experiencing? What do I perceive as true or important for me?" When the modern secularized Swede, but also many Christians, turn away from the institutionally taught doctrines, perhaps the subjectivity and the privatization provide a protection against the threatening plurality. The "little holiness" will then become ultimate. It is not simply taken over, it is authentic.
Let s simplify! Someone believes in X. He or she belongs to a social community as long as the "experts of the spiritual reality" believe in X. But as soon as there is a decrease in the confidence in these experts and other experts of the spiritual reality emerge, the individual himself has to consider whether he or she really believes in X. "Perhaps X is nothing but an illusion?" The next question arises: "What is my personal experience of X?". One is obliged to return to subjectivity. The crisis of legitimization becomes obvious. There will be a change from an external and institutional legitimization to an internal and subjective one.
When confidence in the religious tradition is decreasing, individuals are obliged to become more oriented towards their own experiences and to ask themselves "What in my belief is based upon experiences and conviction?" or "What do I believe just because someone else has told me to believe?" This is a painful self-examination. At the very same time, there is a polarization: the external world gives fixed answers. These are being questioned whereby the world of internal experiences becomes ever more important.
The new and "alternative" world-views are not socially transmitted. They are floating around unorganized and are not confirmed by any specific group. They are not even tied to any social engagement or mass meetings, and they are not as sophisticated and well-reasoned as existentialism, humanism or other "-ism's". (Hamberg 1989, Johansson & Olander 1993, Reimers 1995).
But the problems are not only of a social nature. The churches are facing new challenges also concerning the content of the doctrine. Doubt surfaces in a minister as well as in the pew during worship, because there obviously are contradictory revelations (due to migration and social mobility), and everyone claims to have the absolute truth. The churches of the future are therefore likely to speak less of ecumenics and far more of theology of religion, unless they do not believe that the solution is some kind of religious Esperanto or an E.C. of the faithful. Such an interpretation might not do justice neither to Christianity, other religions or to the intellectual moral.
The defusion of relativism.
There are two quite obvious trends in the Swedish arena: one towards fundamentalism
and the other towards relativism. Both of them offer relief, an escape from confusion
due to the prevailing plurality.
There are movements who do not care to adapt themselves and follow common trends in society. They insist upon strict doctrines, claiming clear moral rules, offering a social safety. Since they have an appeal, they are also gaining new members. As an example from Sweden, one might mention the expanding right wing charismatic Pentecostal Church - Livets Ord, "Word of Life". The religious communities in Sweden, accepting uncertainty and weighing arguments pro et contra have a hard time keeping old members as well as gaining new members. These trends are so clear and indisputable. The individual experiences the uncertainty connected with plurality as a heavy burden. It is a relief to let go of the burden. Being devoted to a simple and uncomplicated idea - whether religious or profane - can provide support no matter its ideological content.
A different type of refuge exists as well, leading to total relativism or nihilism where nothing is absolutely true or false. The individual distrusts every authority and denies religious truths. This solution is attractive since it offers a relief through the denial of any truth "out there". An example might be seen in some groups within the New Age movement. One doesn't wait for Godot any more. "Let people believe whatever they want to believe, nothing is absolutely definite. Let a thousand flowers bloom!" The world becomes deconstructed and a reconstruction is no longer possible.
Due to the tremendous flow of information there are always several cultures present within the individual. You become urbanized even if you live in the countryside. Some of the most important references are major cities, television and the tabloids presenting an-easy-to-come-by and artificial construction of reality. Pluralism goes deeper and faster as a result of market economy. Democracy institutionalizes tolerance and different cultures' definition of something as wrong or sin are constantly confronted and lowered. Something becomes right if several people consider it to be right - not because it is an expression of the will of God, Jahve, Allah or Christ. All major nations have defused the theological legitimization of morality and prefer to speak in terms of social contracts. Counter-trends do exist, for instance fundamentalist movements who orient themselves toward unambiguous and clear moral rules based upon holy scriptures. The increase of Islamism and evangelical fundamentalism are the most evident religious changes going on right now in the whole world, Sweden included.
From the perspective of the individual, it is possible to understand this as an effort to fight cognitive and moral contamination. The interpretations of life that man has taken for granted over a long period of time, are now constantly being questioned. Today, there are several conceptions of the world to choose between and the individual must decide on his or her own, using all the material present. There are less common certainties, less common patterns of interpretation and less declared common goals.
To avoid being cast out into a state of complete confusion, there is a counter movement which we may call centripetal, a shift towards the small world, the inner life. In observing one s own emotions one will become less disposed to judge others, "people can believe whatever they want to - there are no objective standards - my faith is still my own". An expression of this could be fewer discussions about opinions and more about emotions. People seem to "think" less and "feel" more. The language itself shows an uncertainty concerning ideology. Experiences replace conviction, a psychological authenticity replaces ideologies.
Cognitive contamination
The culture of Western society is based upon Greek logic and Hebrew theology. The
Greek said that something can t be A and non-A at the same time. Hebrew theology
taught that there is only one God. These two principles, monotheism and the law of
contradictions, are fundamental in Western society, contrasting with China and East
Asia. Here a rigid principle of monotheism and a law of contradictions would be
considered as absurd. Instead, reality allows for different patterns in speaking about
"the Holy" and limiting the perspective to one alone is simply not reasonable. Everyone
within these traditions know that something is both A and non -A at the very same
time. Indian and Chinese religions deal with the plurality of content in a completely
different manner than the western society. It simply consumes the plurality. Christianity
has perceived the corrosion of values, simply because it speaks about the one and only
God and in thus it claims the truth. (Berger 1992).
What is the reaction of Christian churches in Sweden to this plurality? The most common reaction has probably been to ignore the situation. It is possible to separate different attitudes to the radical demands found within the Christian faith and to claims of truth in the confession.
The first attitude might be called a cognitive bargain. The inner dialogue might be something like this: "Well, perhaps it s difficult to maintain a faith in miracles, but we are definitely not giving up the resurrection" or "Well, we can agree that perhaps Jesus did not say everything he is supposed to have said - it seems to be hard to prove historically - but we are sure that he did establish the Holy Communion."
The second is to raise a white flag and immediately give up all demands of truth of doctrine. This attitude caused the once very common philosophy of "God is dead". Instead of claiming that God exists and is an sovereign being, it is said that the myths in the Bible have an important psychological, social or cultural function, but that there is no objective transcendent source. The claim of a transcendent origin is defused and the religious message is being translated into a modern secular language. It can be political, social or psychological. Basically, one says "This is what religion really is about". Expressions as "an existential interpretation of life", "social cement" and "mystic self-understanding" are introduced. The Christian language is merely one of many. But even if this gives the preacher some kind of relief, it is still an intellectual and moral resignation. Sooner or later people will know the possibilities of a (better?) meaning, health, community and interpretation of life itself besides the Christian language or its institutions. This could be a new meaning in life, political motivation or holistic world-view.
A third way to relate to modern society could be adopting a more realistic attitude. There is a passive model, where people build small segments of society in order to maintain the Christian perception of reality. Examples of this might be some hibernated revivalist movements, communities or monasteries where the members hope their intensive engagement will attract others.
It is also possible to recognize a more offensive model in which one wants to change the society and the churches by emphasizing a classic Christian theme. The first, passive model is the ghetto, and the second, offensive model is the crusade.
All these models are problematic, especially in industrialized societies. In a ghetto, a subculture is created - but the walls around the ghetto must be made very thick in order to keep out doubt. An example could be the religious sects where the adherents use a language which is difficult to understand by those outside. The general dislike of plurality is another aspect of the sect. Whenever plurality becomes a major feature in a society there will also be an attraction to sectarian absolutism.
With this somewhat sketchy description of the corrosion of the churches, it is possible to identify a strong tendency to value spirituality and mysticism higher. The Christian churches want to create a counter culture, although not by ignoring the confusion of present times. They want to describe it, relate to it and interpret it from a theological perspective. There are groups trying to relate to the privatization by reforming spirituality and Christian mysticism. They are reminders that the Reformation and revivalist movements created small social communities of people gathered around radical religious goals. The monasteries were communities of enthusiasts who, naive but with endurance, practiced strong prayers. These movements had, in the long run, a greater impact than anything that was written in theological literature or done in a bureaucratic church. Spiritual guidance and the theology of asceticism did not just talk about a Christian faith, but showed concrete ways to a mature faith - a contrasting picture to the (religious) consumerism.
The Church of Sweden, as an organization, is probably wearing a far too big institutional and bureaucratic overcoat. Perhaps it might regain its trustworthiness if it defused the attempts to teach everyone the art of going to church, and instead started to examine its own experience/lack of experience of faith. Far more important than activities are - at least from a psychological perspective - the reality behind the activities, the reality supposed to be illuminated and experienced through the activities.
The liturgy
The worship of the Church of Sweden has changed in a vital manner during the last
part of the 20th century. This is partly true also for the free churches. The liturgy for
Sunday worship and other services have been reformulated following several surveys.
Changes concerning the church have been studied from a historical, organizational and
theological perspective. It is important to combine these perspectives with
psychological studies.
Worship is one of very few activities in modern Sweden where Christian faith is taught and mediated regularly. It is hardly ever being taught nowadays at home, and the Sunday school does not exist anymore. The principle of agnosticism dominates in public schools and the ceremony of confirmation is decreasing faster than any type of service in the Church of Sweden. This all means that the holy space and the holy rite are probably very important as mediators of a religious tradition in the secularized society. The church as a place of communication, and the liturgy as a ritual and visual expression of religious conceptions, have a major importance if we want to understand the mediation of religious traditions in a secularized society.
Sometimes, in discussions within the Church of Sweden, there has been an assumption that the de-sacralization of worship is really an instrument for secularization - a "secularization from within". Instead of amazement, a feeling of holiness, an experience of transcendence, perhaps the most important experience of the service is to be bored, sensing a stiffness and strangeness? There have been wishes for a re-sacralization, and in trying to accomplish this some people have emphasized mysticism, symbols and rites. The interest in liturgy and the attempts to renew the service are often far-reaching and genuine. But, as usual, it is possible to turn this argument around. All the work for a liturgical renewal in Sweden can in some cases be interpreted as an escape from a confusing present, or as a defusion of the social and political radicalism in Christianity, or as part of an emotionalisation of religiosity.
Rev. Dr Owe Wikström is Professor in Psychology of Religion at the University of Uppsala, Sweden.
